In the Tournelles espe- cially, several couples of young executives who had hoped to ind an oasis of calm in the privatised and upmarket setting of their residence—a shel- tered personal and family life they saw as both complementary to and compensatory for gruelling working hours—in fact found themselves subject to social control they saw as pedantic, uncompromising and infantilising.
Massey and Denton is intrinsically relational, and because the urban relegation of the working class and the poor necessarily goes hand in hand with high concentrations of upper- and middle-class groups in other areas, but also because understanding the variety of ordinary justiications for homophily-based aggregation, exclusion- based segregation and spatial injustice is an essential step towards con- ceiving and implementing policies that truly foster residential integration. Policy-making must not turn its back on the relexive aspect of relationships to segregation, whether we are talking about awareness among gentriiers of their role in the gradual transformation of a working-class neighbourhood, or as here about the various strate- gies adopted by inhabitants who actually contribute to segregation, to avoid, face or redirect the debate about urban diversity and the poten- tial criticisms addressing the uniformity of their area.
Yet, it does allow us to show that the current trend is shored up by speciic ideological constructions some of which are dis- tinctly neoliberal ; while other moral and political arguments—if cor- rectly chosen and pushed by critical urban thinkers and activists—might conversely delegitimise it. In addition, the second main point this chapter makes is more directly about neoliberalisation and neoliberalism in the city, and how they actually often combine with other—alternate or complementary—pro- cesses and ideologies, which deploy diferent logics. However, in contrast with these views, as the second section of this chapter shows, a minority of the inhabitants of refounded neighbour- hoods deal with critique rather than refusing it and do so resorting to a mainly classical liberal set of arguments.
On the diferences between traditional bourgeois neigh- bourhoods, refounded neighbourhoods and gradually gentriied neigh- bourhoods, see also B. Cousin and Serge Paugam In addition, on refounded neighbourhoods in Milan Italy see B. Cousin , a, b. SCE, however, was the type the most distinctly char- acterised by an overrepresentation of private sector executives.
On the diferent regimes of action including the regime of justiication , see Luc Boltanski Furthermore, the combination of data-gathering through in-depth inter- views and direct observation, because it allowed me to partially test the credibility of the respondents, helped to lower the risk of attitudinal fal- lacy Jerolmack and Khan ; Lamont and Swidler For an introduction to analytic political philosophy, see, for instance, Will Kymlicka Conversely, none of the Levallois respondents saw the ubiquity of CCTV in their municipality as a problem.
On linearity and sequentiality, see Richard Sennett On the concept of negative liberty, see Isaiah Berlin Race and Civility in Everyday Life. Two Concepts of Liberty.
A Sociology of Emancipation 1st French edition: Love and Justice as Competences 1st French edition: Economies of Worth 1st French edition: In Handbook of heory and Research for the Sociology of Education, ed. Cities for People, Not for Proit: Critical Urban heory and the Right to the City. Gentriication, Suburbanization or New Urbanism? International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 31 4: An Historical Sociology of Education and Stratiication.
Usages de la com- paraison entre Paris et Milan. Sociologie du travail 55 2: Questions de communication Entre-soi mais chacun chez soi. Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales Bertrand Badie and Dominique Vidal, — Cousin, Bruno, and Serge Paugam. Presses Universitaires de France. Comparaison avec le cas parisien. Davidson, Mark, and Loretta Lees. This was done a little too hastily, as though a revival of the textile industry and textile culture in France were unthinkable, or as though nothing could now be done with the textile heritage. The same general defeatism is endangering museums with a textile collection in the form of products or machines, such as the museum in Roanne knitting.
Fashion is less threatened. Textile culture is disappearing among both academic specialists aside from the field of technical textiles, which is governed by commercial secrecy and designers who tend to design patterns rather than woven structures or ideas for practical use , and also among most visitors.
Textiles are variously present in museums in the form of materials, drawings, and production lines — with looms and lace machines — and may be semi-finished lengths of fabric or finished primarily fashions. The optimal situation is one of in situ conservation of machines and their products, 14 but the textile collection proper is then limited in terms of place and time. Attractions differ depending on what is in the collections, what they make it possible to show and what visitors themselves read into them, far from what the curator may have thought. Conserving textiles is one thing, exhibiting them is something else.
In this field issues of display take different forms depending on whether the exhibitions are permanent or temporary. How, in your view, can textiles be made visually exciting while respecting the demands of preventive conservation — which, among other things, excludes the tactile dimension, which is nevertheless a fundamental aspect of textiles?
How is it possible to educate people in ways of looking so that, in concrete terms, they will perceive and be touched by elements both upstream the extraordinary technical mechanisms invented for textile production since the stone age and downstream the countless signifying systems they reflect? Textiles have undoubtedly constituted one of the great adventures of the human mind, at once technical, scientific, artistic, cultural and sensory.
Textiles are present at every level of human development, from societies without writing to the learned heights of the literate, and continuing to explore them connects us to the long history of humanity, with a duty to enhance it with the contributions of our own times.
And they are an invitation! They invite us to productively reconcile culture in the narrow sense with technology and science — including the natural sciences where raw materials are concerned, or when we interpret embroidered, woven or printed designs of flora and fauna, or draw on them in any way that is not trivial.
The reverse is also true. Curators are privileged to have access to works that are held in storage or cannot be viewed. This is often true of most of the collection for reasons of numbers, conservation protection from light and presentation albums. So curators can reveal unknown worlds to their fellow citizens, in the form of works, approaches and phenomena. This is a duty on a scale with their privileges. The ancient art of oratory included a grasp of captatio benevolentiae , or the art of arousing interest.
It requires us to choose beautiful pieces about which there is much to be said, and the mere sight of which is enough to make visitors happy if they do not feel like listening to the curator. But there is nothing like revealing visual properties that seem at first to be inexplicable. As soon as you do this, your audience of visitors, be they elementary school children or the head of research on the physics of light at the CNRS, 17 want to understand what they are seeing, and once this happens they are receptive to technical explanations, which can be kept relevant to this particular question.
The dialectics of techniques and the effects produced, including the vast field of directional visual properties, offer an entirely new field to textile historians and other art historians. Similar phenomena can be seen in other fields, and it is necessary to understand them in order to correctly interpret the work undertaken by painters in their representations. You recalled that he wrote the entry on Damask: Does its systematization in the industrial age constitute a cultural break or, conversely, the fulfillment of principles that were present from the outset in textile theory and practice?
What is the specificity of textiles within the vast set of matrix arts? Can we attribute them with a paradigmatic value that would make it possible to draw a line back from the algorithmic structures of computer science and digital imagery to the earliest looms? Lastly, in the mechanisms of textile production, is individual invention inhibited or conversely stimulated by technical constraints?
The near universality of textiles makes them an illustration of the human capacities for combination and manipulation, with a likelihood of parallel inventions, 19 in which the temporal rhythm of manipulations — which relates to music — is transformed into a spatial rhythm with the vast interplay of permutations on several different levels of organization that generates a woven design, leaving manual methods aside.
Here is matter for mathematical research relating to algebra, topology and geometry — the theory of satins gave rise to encryption algorithms — and an invitation to work on the comparative aesthetics of space and time L eclercq, The very many intriguing technical similarities between textiles of the Old World and pre-Columbian textiles raise the question of parallel invention, waves of settlement and in what direction: With the similar items obtained in basketry, such as the reed mats of the Marsh Arabs, mathematically speaking, through its passing under and over, warp and weft weaving is a matrix of 0 and 1, reflecting the binary logic on which computer science is based.
The matrix of warp and weft pattern steps in fabrics with woven designs recalls the photosite matrix of digital sensors and the pixels of the resulting image. This draft notates the action of the individual threads as they are raised or lowered, which produces the basic interlacing of the fabric. On ruled paper, and now also on screen, the design of figured fabrics is notated as a point paper plan, which sets out the work of the draw or of the Jacquard mechanism, by thread or group of threads warp pattern step and for each weft pass.
Yet another matrix — this time on the loom, the figure harness tie through the comber board — governs the raising of the leashes by the draw or later the Jacquard mechanism to produce a design that varies across the entire width of the cloth single repeat pattern , or is divided into straight or reverse repeats if the pattern has two or more repeats. The point-paper plan and figure harness tie provide the pattern for the matrix of lashes on a drawloom or the punched cards with several rows of holes for the Jacquard mechanism, determining which warp threads are raised as any given weft thread passes through.
Cousin ideology relies more and more on meritocratic and equal-opportunities tenets Dubet ; Boltanski , and where people are increasingly aware and critical of individual obstacles to social mobility produced by urban and educational segregation. However, the tendency to accept the socio-spatial status quo and the legitimisation of socioeconomic symbolic boundaries—which upper- and upper-middle-class households in fact use above all to distinguish themselves from each other—cannot explain alone how residents of refounded neighbourhoods interact with social diversity; nor can they account alone for the sense of justice through which the respondents back up their positions to face the critique of segregation developed in the French public debate Genestier Sociologie du travail 55 2: Because brocading is manual, it can be asymmetrically confined to the required areas, despite the symmetrical effect of the draw L eclercq, a, b. You have shown that these two aspects are inseparable:
It would be illuminating to present figured cloths and textile machines in tandem with a computer aided design station driving a sampling loom, for practical work at all levels, with the curator checking and illustrating his textile analyses, five-year-old children discovering — and understanding — the world of textiles, and designers and stylists doing tests, in a productive breakdown of the barriers between different types of visitor. The matrix arts L eclercq, b — which I theorized in the strict sense on the basis of the technique of creating inscriptions and decorations on bells, but which are manifested most acutely in the weaving of figured fabrics — are subject to a high degree of constraint, the effects of which are worthy of study, like the constraints affecting other combinatory arts involving discontinuous variation.
We should note that in this sense weaving is an art of discontinuous variation, tempered by the continuity of the threads under the bindings, the different tensions that result and the curving of the threads generated by the weave. The design of a woven figured fabric results from interlacing and is not a surface pattern, printed on fabric or paper. This invites us to generalize and to study the effects — aptitudes, limitations and circumventions — of different techniques and materials on the creative process and the results obtained.
Such an approach looks for traces of the process that generated the work.
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